February 27, 2008

Another Ugaritic Ritual Text By A Semiliterate?

PDQ Submission
KTU 1.48 was among the earliest Ugaritic tablets excavated. In 1929, shortly after Claude Schaeffer excavated it from the royal palace at Ugarit, Charles Virolleaud published a picture and a drawing of the fragmentary tablet. At that time, Virolleaud and others recognized that the cuneiform writing on some of the tablets from Ugarit was alphabetic but it wasn't until the next year, 1930, that Virolleaud, Bauer and Dhrome, working independently, largely deciphered the Ugaritic alphabet and were able to begin the process of reading and understanding these tablets. The most complete study of KTU 1.48 I know of is Pardee's 1988 paper. More accessible, if limited, treatments can be found in Pardee's 2002 book, Ritual and Cult at Ugarit (117-119) and del Olmo Lete's, 2004, Canaanite Religion According to the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit (88-90).

This tablet has a number of peculiarities, some of which I will discuss here and others I will discuss in the notes following my translation. Every line of text appears to have an underlying shallowly inscribed horizontal line more or less in the middle of the written line. Clearly, the scribe drew these lines before writing the overlying text. In several cases, the horizontal lines extend well beyond the text. One might think that their purpose was to help the scribe keep his or her lines of text straight and evenly spaced. But these lines themselves are not straight in every case and have a tendency to curve slightly upward from left to right in the top several lines of text (line 5 shows this tendency in the extreme) and slightly downward in the bottom few lines of text. The result is that the text on several lines is neither straight nor evenly spaced. I would note that the tendency of the lines on this tablet to curve upward at the top of the tablet matches the same tendency one sees in the far more recent neo-Assyrian letter, K 652, crafted by a literate professional but not a scribe. I discussed this tablet some time ago.

[If you see squares, rectangles or something else that doesn't look right, please install the Charis SIL font.]

Also, vertical wedges often don't extend downward. For example, the l and the n often look very much alike. The same is true for the and the a. As Pardee, 1988, 175, noted, this is particularly exasperating when the text is broken. When the lower part of a sign is missing it is easy to confuse signs with three vertical wedges like d, l and u with n and signs with two vertical wedges like b and with a.

Another "error" is the writing of for š at the beginning of a couple of words that normally begin švp- ("v" is a placeholder for a vowel). See line 2, ṯpḥ for špḥ, (šapḥu, "family") and line 7, ṯpš for špš, ("Šapšu"?). Is this the result of phonetic confusion on the part of whomever wrote this tablet?

Transliteration

I follow Pardee's, 1988, 184 and 2002, 118, reconstruction, with a little help from Dietrich et al, 84 and a photograph.

1) [      ] ʿṣrm
2) [dbḥ] ṯpḥ bʿl
3) [ṯ]˹l˺ṯ . ʿṣrm
4) [š] ˹l˺ bʿlt bbtm
5) ˹ṯlṯ˺ [.] ˹aš˺n . l . dgn
6) [ . . . ] p i˹pdm˺
7) ṯpš . šnʿ˹t˺ [.]˹y˺qš
8) ṯr . biš˹t˺
9) bʿlh . št
10) ḫqr˹n . pr˺ [aṯ]rt
11) ṯn [. ʿṣrm] l r˹d˺[-]
12) aḥt . ḫ˹m˺[nh] ˹. ṯ ˺ [n] ˹ṯ ˺[l ṯ]
13) b ym . dbḥ . ṯpḥ [ . . . ]
14) aḥt . l . mzy . bn[ . . . ]
15) aḥt . l . mkt . ģ˹r˺ [ . . . ]
16) aḥt . l . ʿṯttrt ˹. š ˺[d]
17) arbʿ . ʿṣrm
Lower Edge
18) gt . ṯrmn
19) aḥt slḫu

There appears to have been writing on the reverse and upper edge of this tablet but only a few letters at the end of a few lines are readable.

Translation

1) [? ? ? ? ?] birds
2) [as a sacrifice (?)] of the stock of the Master;
3) three birds
4) (and) a ram for the Lady in the Mansion;
5) Three (pairs ?) of sandals for Dagon;
6) [something or some number (?)] of a pair of IPD garments;
7) for Šapšu(?); a fowler's net (?) (and ?)
8) a bull placed in the fire
9) for his Master;
10) a QRN and a young bull for Airatu;
11) two [birds(?)] for RD?
12) one (bird?) for his (?)MN; two or three (birds ?)
13) one (bird?) the day of sacrifice for the family of [some god (?)]
14) one (bird?) for MZY son of [ ? ]
15) one (bird?) for MKT (Makedon?, offering? nkt) of the mountain (?);
16) one (bird?) for ʿAtartu of the field;
17) four (birds?) for
18) the plantation of amumani;
19) one (bird?) for Salû.

Notes

Line 1: I rather like del Olmo Lete's reconstruction, spr, in the opening break but I do wish there were a little more evidence for it.

Line 2: ṯpḥ bʿl should be read ṯpḥ bʿl (see below). Pardee, 2002, 118, translates this "the Family of Ba'lu, while del Olmo Lete understands it as the sovereign. I tend to agree with del Olmo Lete, except I take bʿl here to be the Master of an estate and bʿlt bbtm in line 4 to be the lady of the estate rather than the queen.

Line 2, 7: ṯpḥ for normal Ugaritic špḥ (see Pardee, 1988, 186) and ṯpš for špš(?) (see Pardee, 1988, 187)

Line 4: Does bʿlt bbtm equal bʿlt btm "the Lady of the Palace?" (see Pardee, 1988, 186).

Line 7: Pardee, 1988, 184, reads ˹y˺qšm but Pardee 2002 read only ˹y˺qš as does his autograph, Pardee 1988, 176

Lines 8 and 9: or is this "His lord placed a bull in the fire?" del Olmo Lete renders these lines, "one ṯr . bišt bird whose owner put ." This understanding has the merit of preserving the bird sacrifice theme but it does it at the expense of the most obvious meanings of two well-attested words and the introduction of an otherwise unattested type of bird.

Line 11: ṯn rather than ṯṯ raises questions about the restoration of ʿṣrm. See Pardee 2002, 121.

Line 15: MKT, unlikely Makedon (Μακεδών); offering? nkt, see Pardee, 1988, 189; unlikely a personal name, see bn nkt in KTU 4.422:35)

Line 18: Note the reference to gt . ṯrmn, "the plantation of amumani." This phrase offers considerable support to this tablet originating in a rural setting as Pardee, 1988, 191, suggests. I am not so sure that a royal plantation as Pardee would have us believe but I'm not so sure he is wrong either.

Line 19: Salû, if it is a place name, is a known town/village in the northeast or trans-Orontes district of the kingdom of Ugarit.

Comments

Pradee, 2002, 117, raises the very reasonable question about the genre of this tablet. Is it a descriptive ritual, a prescriptive ritual, an administrative text, or a "record" as del Olmo Lete, 89, would have us think? The answer to this question is not so important to my purposes here.

What is important to me is 1) that the text appears to be from a rural setting and 2) it does not appear to be the work of a fully trained scribe. I point to the "spelling" errors, the uneven lines of text, the truncated vertical wedges in support of the second point. In fact, the strange vertical wedges argue for someone other than a student scribe executing this tablet. A student sufficiently advanced to take on a text of this complexity would have formed all of his or her vertical wedges in a more orthodox manner. For these reasons, I think this tablet is another example of a tablet written by a semiliterate or a literate professional. If this opinion is correct, then it joins KTU 1.79 and KTU 1.80 as a further example that non-scribes wrote in Ugaritic.

References:

del Olmo Lete, Gregorio, Canaanite Religion According to the Liturgical Texts of Ugarit, Wilfred G. E. Watson, trans, Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 2004

Pardee, Dennis, "Troisième Réassemblage de RS 1.019," Syria, LXV, 1988, 173-191

Pardee, Dennis, Ritual and Cult at Ugarit, Writings from the Ancient World, Theodore J. Lewis, ed., Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2002

Virolleaud, Charles, "Les Inscriptions Cunéiformes de Ras Shamra," Syria, X, 1929, 304-310, pl. LXXI, no. 19.

Update March 1, 2008:
Added PDQ label and fixed a few stupid typos.

Posted by Duane Smith at February 27, 2008 1:02 PM | Read more on Ugarit |

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Comments

Interesting note about line 19. I've been baning my head against ʿnt šlḫ in CAT1.168. It's often taken as a GN as well. I wonder if the two might be the same.

Posted by: Jim Getz at February 27, 2008 6:15 PM

I suppose a key might be in ḥgb of line 3 of 1.168. If slḫ is a place name then ḥgb would be one too (and the other way around). I can't find ḥgb as a GN but the PN ḥgby is of some interest. Is the y a gentilic or is it the rather common feminine name formative? The best case for the former may be in the name bn ḥgby (KTA 4.93 II:5 for example). Looking from another direction, the GN in 1.48:19, if it is a GN is not normally written with a final 'u. Perhaps the word in 1.48:19 is a PN as is sometimes thought. Hmmmm.

Posted by: Duane at February 27, 2008 7:58 PM

You've done an excellent job of anticipating the argument. Both šlḫ and ḥgb are seen in some theories as GN with CAT4.93 II:5 being used as evidence. I'm not necessarily committed to any position on the matter, which is making it difficult to finish a chapter on the 1.168 (among other texts).

Posted by: Jim Getz at March 3, 2008 7:35 AM

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